Týřovský of Einsiedl

Jobst of Einsiedl (circa 1420 - 1474)

Jobst was born into a bourgeois family in the small town of Einsiedl, today's Mnichov in the Cheb district, likely in the year 1420. He had a close connection to the city of Cheb and appeared to be related to the esteemed Cheb families of Schmidels and Puchelbergers, as he called Jorg Schmidel his brother and Clement Puchelberger his uncle, yet nothing more about this familial relationship is known. He received higher education at the nearby monastery school in Teplá and likely learned Czech there. Thanks to his education, he was particularly suited to serve as a secretary and scribe, especially during the interregnum (1439 - 1453), when Czech lords conducted politics independently. Scribes who understood both languages of the land were recommended especially to those Czech lords who did not speak German, although they could not do without it during their frequent contact with neighboring German regions. For example, Lord Jan of Házmburk excused his letter to the city of Cheb written in Czech by stating that he currently did not have his German scribe available. In this capacity, Jobst actually appears in the service of Lords Aleš and Petr Holický of Šternberk, who at that time owned the nearby Bečov nad Teplou.

In February 1447, Duke William of Saxony approached Petr Holický of Šternberk to recruit an army in Bohemia for the Saxon Fratricidal War (1446 - 1451). The army was to assemble near Cheb, with Jobst entrusted with administrative and organizational matters. In a letter dated February 13, 1447, Duke William wrote:„Wir bedorffen wol eins endlichen diners, der dutschs und behemisch kan, uff den wir glauben gesetzen (...), dorzu uns Jobst, uwer diener, wol fuglich were.“ (We absolutely need a servant who can speak German and Czech, whom we can trust (...), for this Jobst, your servant, would probably be suitable.)

These Czech mercenaries, due to an ensuing truce, were unable to participate in the Saxon Fratricidal War and seamlessly transitioned into the service of the Archbishop of Cologne, Dietrich II, in the Soest Feud. Since Petr Holický of Šternberk was the chief commander of the entire Czech corps, it is assumed that Jobst participated in the entire Soest campaign as Petr's right hand.

Jobst's next significant involvement occurred in 1450 when George of Poděbrady, after defeating the Strakonice Union at the battle of Mýto on June 4, 1450 led his campaign against their allies, especially Duke Friedrich of Saxony, resulting in the capture of the city of Gera. The following day, October 23, 1450 (some sources state October 16, 1450), a truce was concluded. Jobst of Einsiedl, who participated in this campaign in the retinue of Lord Petr Holický of Šternberk, wrote his letter on October 25, 1450 from the field camp near Salza, close to Plavno, the first preserved letter to the city of Cheb. Cheb was threatened by the returning Czech army, as in March 1450, the Cheb council had refused to allow George of Poděbrady and his partisans into the city for negotiations with the German fürsts, which had to be held in Wunsiedel instead. In the letter, Jobst warned the citizens and urged them to seek an agreement. The mediation was undertaken by Aleš and Petr Holický of Šternberk, who, with their secretary Jobst of Einsiedl, ensured safe conduct for the Cheb envoys. The negotiations took place at Skalná Castle (Vildštejn). However, on the way to the meeting, the Cheb diplomats, carrying gifts for George of Poděbrady, were ambushed and robbed. Jobst of Einsiedl was also attacked but saved his life by promising not to reveal the attackers.

Following the negotiations at Vildštejn, the city ultimately redeemed itself with 1000 gold in ransom: „Item wir haben geben vnd ausgerichthern Girziken tousent guldein, die jn der rat zu pranttschaczgeben musst.“ (We gave Lord George 1000 gold, which must be given by the council as ransom.)
Petr of Šternberk received 200 gold for mediating the agreement, and other mediators also received rewards: „Geben dem Endresen I schock XXIII gr. zerung fur Hans von Kocza vnd fur den Jobst des von Sternbergs schreiber, als er zwischen eyn rat vnd den Behmen teidigat.“ (Give the aforementioned 1 schock and 23 groschen to Hans of Kotzau and to Jobst, the scribe of the Šternberks, who participated in the negotiations between the council and the Czechs.)

Jobst of Einsiedl remained with the lords from Šternberk until the end of 1453 or perhaps the beginning of 1454, for on June 24, 1453 Jobst still writes under the command of Lord Aleš of Šternberk. He then entered the service of the administrator George of Poděbrady, possibly motivated by familial ties to the Šternberk family. On October 28, 1454, he addresses as secretary of George to Görlitz scribe a letter announcing the imminent arrival of the administrator with King Ladislaus and urges the reservation of necessary accommodations. Correspondingly, the rescript of George to the mayor and council of Cheb, dated January 30, 1455 in Wroclaw, is already drafted by Jobst.

During this period, Jobst of Einsiedl was granted a coat of arms by King Ladislaus the Posthumous, which was elevated by Emperor Frederick III on November 23, 1455.

In his role as an administrator, Jobst opened up a broad and significant field of influence. Since George was known to speak little German, his secret secretary was absolutely indispensable. Therefore, if he was not absent on some mission, he was always by the side of the land administrator, accompanying him on his major campaigns in Moravia, Silesia, and Austria, often engaging in trade, as in Brno, and informing his friends in Cheb with apparent satisfaction about the successful achievements of the governor. Although a Catholic and unconditionally devoted to the Roman Church, he maintained unwavering loyalty to his Utraquist lord at all times by — a rarity at the time — being able to rightly separate religious beliefs from loyalty to service. Therefore, he also enjoyed the full trust and favor of George and was often entrusted with tasks that required special care and reliability.

After the death of King Ladislaus the Posthumous on November 23, 1457 rumors began to spread that the young king had been poisoned by George of Poděbrady. At the assembly in Vienna on January 21, 1458, Jobst of Einsiedl strongly defended against these accusations. Jobst argued that it had never happened in history that the Czechs had poisoned a king. According to him, the Czechs were the king’s loyal subjects and had voluntarily submitted to him in everything that Kings Sigismund and Albert had sought to conquer by force (restoration of royal estates, levies, aid against the Turks). Ultimately, based on Jobst’s arguments, the assembly acknowledged that the king had passed away by the will of God.

As mentioned earlier, Jobst was often entrusted with tasks requiring special care and reliability. Such a situation arose immediately after George was elected king. At the large electoral assembly in Prague on March 1, 1458, the representatives of Duke Wilhelm of Saxony referenced old charters stored at Karlštejn to better substantiate his wife's claims to the Czech succession. The administrator immediately dispatched his chamberlain and Jobst of Einsiedl, his scribe, with an appropriate entourage to Karlštejn to retrieve the relevant documents, which were presented to the assembled estates the following day. When George of Poděbrady was proclaimed king that same day, Jobst welcomed this significant event with undisguised joy and immediately communicated it to Cheb, where the news was joyously received (only the response from Cheb is preserved). Since George had already become famous in previous years for his zealous efforts to maintain peace, his election was particularly desirable for a city like Cheb, which was located on the borders of various regions and conducted lively trade. Moreover, Jobst assured the citizens of Cheb of the king's favor and admonished them to disregard the slander and threats of their neighbors, but to remain firm and steadfast. For Jobst himself, George's election had another consequence, as the new king elevated him to the knightly status that summer, as evidenced by the congratulations from the people of Cheb on July 29, 1458 or a transumpt of Pope Pius II's bull from March 1459, which names Jobst as „Jodocus de Eynsedil, milites Pragensis“. Along with being elevated to knightly status, he received an inheritance worth 500 schocks of groschen at the Makotrasy estate. Around this time, he also acquired the villages of Skryje and Tytry. However, to enable the king to repay his debt to the Prague burgrave Zdeněk of Šternberk, Jobst returned the aforementioned inheritance and additionally lent 500 schocks of groschen in cash, for which the king registered him on July 2, 1460 the castle of Týřov with the town of Kožlany, the villages of Mlečice, Chmelištná, Zavidov, Týřovice, Broumy, Kouřimec, Újezdec, Hudlice with all benefits and taxes in Novosedly. It was stipulated that Jobst must not be repaid until his death, and after his death, only the king himself may repurchase the estates for 600 schocks of groschen. According to the resolution, Týřov Castle must remain open at all times and if the king were to spend on it due to wars, it would be at no loss to Jobst. With the forests, neither Jobst nor his heirs have anything to do nor sell timber, only to take it unimpeded for fuel and repairs to the castle. In hunting small game and birds, Jobst was free, whereas he was allowed to hunt 3 deer and 10 roes a year with the knowledge of the Křivoklát burgrave, who was obliged to lend him dogs and puppies. Since the castle needed repairs to its walls, underpinning, and buildings, the king added 100 schocks of groschen for repairs to Jobst. If the castle were to be captured by Jobst, the kings are obliged to help him recapture it or pay him within two years.

As the royal secretary, Jobst had the opportunity to provide many services to the city of Cheb through advice or intercession with the king. This was evident from the royal rescripts to Cheb, many of which are marked „ad relationem Jodoci de Eynsedel secr.“ The city, due to its exposed position, was frequently accused from one side or the other. It had frequent disputes with other territories, and also with its own subjects who wanted to dissolve their legal ties with the city, as well as problems with the abbot of Waldsassen over jurisdiction in several villages, including Albenreuth (today Mýtina, part of the municipality of Lipová), which were inhabited by both monastic and city subjects. Jobst was often asked for his intercession. He was willing to provide information, unless it involved official secrets, which he always strictly maintained. However, he always acted with great caution, and although this is also commendable, it surprises the reader unpleasantly when, for example, in the middle of an interesting letter, it states:„Although you yourselves want to learn the reason for this matter, you can send one of the council's friends who is known to me, and you will learn the whole matter thoroughly.“On the contrary, the city did not lack in recognition. On various occasions, it gave its friend a monetary gift, as evidenced by the Cheb expense book. For example at Christmas 1458:„Item so haben wir desmals durch Paul Ruduschen hern Jobst von Aynsidel awszgericht XII guldein, damit jn der rat vereret.“ (Thus we then, through Pavel Ruduschen, handed Lord Jobst of Einsiedl XII gold, to honor him.) Also in the following year: „Item geben hern Jobsten von Aynsidel X gulde. r. damit jn unser hern verereten, als er jn das wortt redt ken vnsern hern konig von des abtes von Waltsassen wegen.“ (Also given to Sir Jobst of Aynsidel were ten gold coins, r., so that our lords might honor him, as he spoke on behalf of our lord the king concerning the matters with the abbot of Waldsassen.) And when the city council honored the king with several barrels of the then-popular Cheb mead, one barrel also went to Jobst with the wish that„es mit seiner Gemalin in Fröhlichkeit und Gesundheit auszutrinken“ (he may drink it with his wife in joy and health).

Jobst was actively involved in organizing the assembly at Cheb in the spring of 1459, aimed at resolving disputes between Bohemia and Saxony through the mediation of the politically astute Margrave Albrecht of Brandenburg. Jobst arrived in Cheb by Easter, March 25, 1459, to announce the king's arrival on April 8, 1459, and briefed the council on all details, requirements, and other matters related to the visit. This gave the city ample time to prepare in advance. King George arrived in Cheb on April 7, 1459, with his wife Johana of Rožmitál, son Viktorin, and daughter Zdena, accompanied by a large retinue including numerous servants and significant representatives of the Czech and Moravian nobility. His entourage included 43 nobles and 16 knights, totaling around 900 riders and 100 wagons, among them were several notable figures from Czech nobility.

Upon entering the city, the townspeople prepared a ceremonial welcome for the king and escorted him, with a canopy over his head, to a house directly on the square, where he was accommodated. The owner of the house on the square where the king was lodged was councilman Kašpar Junker, who was one of the most prominent figures of the city's patriciate at the time and had been elected mayor several times in succession. Given that George of Poděbrady was accommodated in his house, it can be assumed that this house was among the best equipped in the city.

On April 8, 1459, representatives of the imperial nobility also arrived in Cheb: Albrecht of Brandenburg arrived a day after George, thus on April 8, and Elector Frederick of the Palatinate on April 9. They were accompanied by other noble lords and various advisors. (Among the advisors, the internationally recognized diplomat Martin Mayer must be mentioned unequivocally.) Later, four dukes from Saxony also arrived, namely the Saxon-Meissen Elector Frederick with both his sons, Ernst and Albrecht, and his brother Wilhelm of Saxony. Along with them, another 13 imperial counts came with their wives. Furthermore, the Bavarian duke Otto, the Archbishop of Magdeburg, advisors of Duke Ludwig of Landshut, envoys of the Bishop of Würzburg, advisors of the Duke of Munich, Albrecht, and advisors of the Austrian Duke Albrecht arrived. Each of them came with a very large entourage, numbering dozens to hundreds of members.

The negotiations, which officially began on April 10, 1459, saw Jobst deeply involved as he often met with Margrave Albrecht of Brandenburg by the king's command and guidance. He dealt with the margrave on April 9, 1459, late in the evening, and during this occasion, he fervently advocated for a settlement with Saxony by maintaining that if the matter were referred to the emperor or the electors, the end would be „nowhere in sight“. The next day, when the margrave appeared with Saxon advisors at the king’s residence at Kašpar Junker's house to discuss the matter further, Jobst of Einsiedl acted as an interpreter. When the negotiations concluded and they were leaving Cheb, he received a gift of 100 schocks of groschen from the city for the king: „Item wir haben awszgericht vnserm hern konygk au newen groschen 1^eschok gr., domit jn der rat vererat - hub auf her Jobst von Aynsidel“ (Thus we have again presented our lord the king with 100 schocks of groschen, as a mark of respect by the council - handed over to Lord Jobst of Einsiedl).

Jobst likely held a similar agenda at the assembly also held in Cheb on Candlemas in 1461. Once again, Jobst was probably assigned an important role, as evidenced by his letter from December 14, 1460 to the mayor and council of Cheb, in which he requests:„to provide him accommodation at his brother's (Jorg Smidel) place, as he needs a comfortable place to rest, especially since he will not be able to sleep much, having a lot of work and needing to stay close to the king.“During this assembly, he also provided legal services in the dispute between Cheb and the abbot of Waldsassen over Albenreuth. For this and other services, he was given, besides ten gold coins, one arquebus and four hand cannons, all made in Nuremberg.

Because Emperor Frederick III elevated George's sons Viktorin, Jindřich, and Hynek to the status of imperial princes on December 7, 1462, in Korneuburg, Jobst, Zdeněk of Šternberk, and Prokop of Rabštejn were sent to the emperor to bring back the princely cloaks and hats, which were formally presented at the Royal Court in Prague on February 21, 1463.

As a result of this diplomatic activity, Jobst of Einsiedl gained considerable influence and maintained written correspondence with foreign princes, especially with Margrave Albrecht of Brandenburg. Notably, in 1463, the margrave sent Jobst a confidential letter informing him of the papal legate's efforts against the king. „Dast wollest“ (You may), the letter continues, „in grosser geheim vnnsern herrn dem konig sagen, dann es warlich also ist“ (tell our lord the king this in great secrecy, for it is indeed so). Jobst also repeatedly relayed news from the Bohemian court to the margrave (a letter from July 4, 1464, and three letters from 1469 are preserved). The influence of the royal secretary was evident on various occasions. From afar, they sought his intercession, such as at the beginning of 1463 by the town of Zgorzelec. In 1464, Jobst, along with Chancellor Prokop of Rabštejn and Henry, Lord of Gera, mediated a dispute between Henry of Plavna and Günter of Bünau on the king's orders. Meanwhile, when a newly established noble association again raised the question of who exactly should oversee the imperial insignia, several lords and knights, including Jobst of Einsiedl from Týřov, were tasked with transferring state documents stored at Karlštejn to Prague and their supervision. One of the symptoms of the increasingly sharp disputes in the religious and political sphere was the religious confusion leading to the emergence of many sects. Jobst had one such in mind in his interesting letter from September 17, 1466. This was linked to the names of Liwin and Janek of Wirsberg, Franciscan apocalyptic preachers active in the Cheb region and influenced by the sermons of John Capistrano and the preaching of John Rokycana in Cheb in 1451. Fearing an interdict and also because King George had spoken out against the teachings of the Wirsbergs, the city council banned the Wirsbergs from entering the city. Jobst appears in his letter as a fervent Catholic and from his interesting expressions, we recognize a dogmatizing layman, as there were many at the time, especially in Bohemia. He took the decline of faith deeply to heart and let it culminate in a complaint, „das die werlt so falscher list ime mer ist, vnd nicht ansicht vnd betracht den gemein rechten cristen glawben“ ( that the world is getting worse and the true faith is not generally seen) - a complaint shared by the contemplative souls of his time. However, events then unfolded in an unstoppable sequence, causing George's waning star to extinguish. The curse that befell him also engulfed his loyalists, and entire regions groaned under the weight of the interdict. Even the city of Cheb, which had maintained praiseworthy loyalty to its king (having sworn fidelity on September 4, 1461), was decidedly influenced by political reasons. Since 1315, the city of Cheb and its area had been pawned property of the Bohemian crown. Relying on its privileges, which delineated a favorable special status, it stayed aloof from all movements in Bohemia and swore allegiance and homage only to the crowned king. To pay homage to a king like Matthias who lacked a crown could have easily set a dangerous precedent. Therefore, the city, despite repeated admonitions, refused homage to the usurper king and preferred to have an interdict declared over it. That Jobst did not falter is easily understandable after all that has been said. As a man of conscience and character, he maintained loyalty to his king without even slightly violating the humiliating obedience to the punishing church. Despite his lips not uttering a word of reproach, he had to endure all difficulties; as a Catholic, he had the Utraquists as enemies and as a supporter of the excommunicated king, his own sovereigns, from whose community the church had excluded him. His estates were devastated, his subjects' villages burned and destroyed (he quantified his losses at 300 schocks of groschen). King George recognized the damage and in 1466 credited him with 100 schocks of groschen for the construction of ponds and granted him mercy that his son Henry would not be able to be paid out from Týřov until his death. Faced with this devastation, Jobst fought a hard battle with himself; for conscience and faith, church commandments and sworn loyalty were in constant conflict: the fierce battle that stirred the whole era is reflected in the breast of this man, who resolutely adhered to what he recognized in his simple soul as right and good. Eventually, he decided on suffering obedience, because it was about the faith, which he did not want to weaken by resistance „nicht schwächen helfen“ (help to weaken). Thus, he shared the same fate as the allied city of Cheb, which he tried to comfort and strengthen in obedience. Only when he saw that his opponents cared less about faith than about plunder, did he take up the sword to secure peace.

After the death of King George of Poděbrady on March 22, 1471, at the beginning of May 1471, Jobst successfully engaged in settling a dispute between Cheb and the highest Prague burgrave, Jan Jenc of Janovice at Petršpurk. He was less successful in trying to reconcile Cheb with its neighbor, Beneš of Libštejn from Kolovraty. After Vladislaus II Jagiello ascended the throne on May 27, 1471, Jobst remained in the office of secretary.

In 1472, Jobst acquired from King Vladislaus the same municipal rights for Kožlany as Rakovník had, including a coat of arms and permission to build a brewery in Kožlany. From June 1472, he also discussed a court dispute between himself and Friedrich of Šumburk. Jobst accused Friedrich of Šumburk's servants of stealing his cows, later found on „na jeho páně Šumburkuov zámek“ (his lord Šumburk's castle). If Šumburk failed to appear in court against Jobst, he was to compensate Jobst for the stolen cows.

Among the significant missions that Jobst participated in while serving Vladislaus was negotiations with Frederick III between 1473-1474, which he attended along with Burian II of Gutštejn and Beneš of Libštejn from Kolovraty. The negotiations, held in Augsburg, preceded several other meetings with Albrecht of Brandenburg, which resulted in recognizing Vladislaus as the legitimate king of Bohemia. The long negotiations with Frederick III culminated in agreeing on military operations in Austria against Matthias Corvinus and the rebellious Austrian nobility.

In 1473, King Vladislaus granted Jobst the right of mortmain to the estate at Hlince, and that same year confirmed all privileges granted to him by King George, and additionally allowed him to kill up to four deer or does in the forests and especially allocated 50 schocks of groschen for castle repairs. However, Jobst died the following year. On July 11, 1474, he was still present at the chamber court, but by 1476 he was no longer alive, as noted in a letter from April 17, 1476: „Wie etwen herre Jobst vom Eynsidel, demegot gnade“ (May God have mercy on Lord Jobst of Einsiedl). 

Jindřich (Henry) Týřovský of Einsiedl (c. 1466–1556)

Jobst died in 1474, but his last will could not be entered into the land tables because it was sealed only after his death. The surviving son Jindřich (Henry), who always signed only as Henrich, was not yet of age, and so he remained under the guardianship of Litvín of Klinštejn, a counsellor of the chamber court, who was still writing his name with Týřov as late as 1491. From 1494, Jindřich himself was already giving permission for the sale of feudal estates in Mlečice. Note: The labour vassals in Mlečice and Zavidov were always obliged to serve Křivoklát, but as subjects on the Týřov estate, they could sell their properties only with the consent of their lord — the holder of Týřov.

In 1500, the chamber court heard a dispute between Jindřich and Jan of Gutštejn over ore mining, to which Gutštejn's smelter Ota supposedly had a claim.

Jindřich was an excellent manager. In a short time, he purchased manors in Nezabudice and Panošín Újezd, the villages of Hřebečníky, Skryje, Tytry and Novosedly, and built the Myslice manor. In Kožlany, he restored the church, which had been ruined since the Hussite Wars, and bought two deserted peasant farms with revenues there, which had belonged to Krakovec for many years, from Jindřich Albrecht of Kolovrat. In 1503, he bought the wasteland of Sadlno and the estate of Slabce, with which a feudal obligation towards Křivoklát was also connected, and Jindřich thus had to, when needed, „sám druhý na hrad přijeti ve všem holým železe.“ (come to the castle with one companion, in full armour.)

During the war of 1505 waged against the Šlik lords, he fielded 4 men and 1 wagon. That year, Ambrož Chodaur of Loket also sued Jindřich, having paid Jindřich for grain that was subsequently not delivered. In 1509, he was one of the Bohemian nobles waiting in Brno for the arrival of King Vladislav from Trnava, but they soon left again because the king kept failing to arrive. Jindřich then in 1513 resolved before the chamber court a dispute of his servant Rovný of Zavidov with Jindřich Tuchorský of Tuchořice.

The Supreme Chancellor of the Kingdom of Bohemia, Adam of Hradec, obtained from King Louis in 1524 permission to redeem Týřov with all its appurtenances. Whenever Adam deposited the redemption sum, Jindřich was to hand over the estate immediately. Jindřich, who produced a charter from King George stating that he could not be redeemed by anyone during his lifetime, did not surrender the castle, and since Adam died in 1531 and Jindřich thus outlived him, the entry lapsed. In 1525, Jindřich Týřovský was summoned to the chamber court by Jan Pečkovský of Pečkovice for the reason of failing to testify at another court.

In the meantime, a heavy calamity befell Jindřich. With his wife Kateřina Řesanská of Kadov, he had 4 sons, namely Jan, Albrecht, Jobst and Jiřík. The last of these participated in the campaign against the Turks and in 1526 was captured at the Battle of Mohács. The father, who wished to ransom him, had to pledge Týřov in 1528 to Jáchym of Malcany, to whom the citizens of Plzeň sent a letter in 1530.

Lorenc Šlik took advantage of Jindřich's distress and obtained from King Ferdinand permission to redeem the Týřov estate. However, this could only take place by agreement with Jindřich, who again invoked King George's charter, did not agree, borrowed 375 schocks of groschen from Petr Cíl of Svojšice, 350 schocks of groschen from Zikmund Beřkovský of Šebířov and 230 schocks of groschen from Slavibor of Všechlapy, and in 1532 redeemed Týřov.

From the aforementioned sums, it follows that Týřov was pledged for 1000 schocks of groschen. When Jindřich could not satisfy his creditors, he sold the village of Novosedly, the Nezabudice manor and manors in Panošín Újezd, and additionally pledged the Kouřimec manor, the villages of Mlečice, Hřebečníky, Skryje and Tytry.

Zikmund Beřkovský summoned Jindřich to court for the debt as early as 1531, but Jindřich ignored three summonses, so an arrest warrant was issued for him and Beřkovský seized Jindřich's estates — 2 peasant farms in Kožlany and a fishpond above the town, which he intended to drain. Jindřich, however, forestalled him and drained it himself.

After Jiřík's return to Bohemia, the Bohemian estates interceded with the king for Jiřík's service to be paid.

Considerable difficulties were caused to Jindřich by his unruly sons, who were constantly before the court for brawls. Albrecht and Jiřík came in 1536 to the inn of Jiřík Čapek in Rakovník, where they found Jiřík of Bobrovice, lord of Děkov. When Bobrovice was speaking on the gallery with the innkeeper, Albrecht threw off his gown, grabbed a sword and stabbed Bobrovice in the side. The innkeeper rebuked Albrecht and he stopped. Then Petr Krašovský and Jiřík Týřovský stabbed Bobrovice with hunting knives on the side and wanted to murder him. Bobrovice was so badly injured that he could not even come down the stairs.

Albrecht, Jiřík and Jobst killed without cause in 1542 in Plzeň Petr Chlumčanský; Jiřík in 1544 wounded Václav of Martinice on the road; the same Jiřík in 1548 spoke at the barber's about Bořivoj Pešík of Komárov, calling him an arch-liar, and at a feast at Liblín in 1555 he insulted Bohuslav Zvíkovský, calling him an arch-liar. During the quarrel, Jiřík rushed at Bohuslav with a sword and wanted to fight him. Albrecht in 1554 clashed in Hřebečníky with Jan of Lobkovice, who in self-defence shot Albrecht through both legs.

Father Jindřich too had dealings with the courts. In 1536, Erhart Kfelíř summoned him over damages of 100 schocks of groschen, because his (Jindřich's) men allegedly went through the forests with handguns and shot game around Týřov. In 1544, Mikuláš Pešík of Komárov summoned Jindřich over 3 animal nets and a yew-coloured horse, which he had borrowed from Mikuláš's deceased brother Jan and not returned. It is interesting that Mikuláš and Jindřich were related in some way.

When Lorenc Šlik saw that he would not outlive Jindřich and would not live to see the Týřov estate, in 1545, with the king's permission, he transferred his right to Týřov to Václav Mašťovský of Strojetice, who immediately renounced all rights to hunting, and in return the king credited him 100 schocks of groschen against Týřov and allowed him to fell forests only for the needs of the castle and granted him the right to request from the Křivoklát captain each year 2 deer, 4 roe deer and 2 wild boar, but he could freely hunt small game. The pledge of Týřov was agreed for the lifetime of Mašťovský and his sons.

In 1554, Mašťovský obtained from the king and the Bohemian estates that an additional 100 schocks of groschen were credited to the initial sum, and Jan the Elder of Lobkovice on Zbiroh obtained permission to purchase the village of Mlečice, which he held in pledge, as a hereditary property.

Jindřich was a regional captain in 1546; in 1545 he sold Slabce with Sadlno and in 1555 the Myslice manor. After dividing his property among his sons, in 1556 he moved to Jince, which belonged to Mikuláš Pešík of Komárov, where on 19 February 1556 he died and is buried in the local Church of St. Nicholas.

Coat of Arms

I would like to thank Michal Kacl, Jan Škvrňák, Jan Boukal and Markéta Poskočilová for their help with the research.

The description of the Týřovský coat of arms varies considerably among individual authors. August Sedláček in Českomoravská heraldika writes that „z Enzidle Týřovští měli štít křížem rozdělený v 1. a 4. poli napříč děleném nahoře černého orla v bílém, ve zpod v bílém tři pruhy pošikem, v 2. a 3. poli modrém tři duty bílé špičkami k sobě a na tři strany se rozbíhající, nad štítem dvě helmy s přikryvadly modrými a bílými s poprsím muže v modrém oděvu se zlatým lemováním, levou s přikr. červenými a bílými s vysokým červeným kloboukem s bílou ohnutou střechou a (černou) kytou.“ (the Týřovskýs of Einsiedl had a shield quarterly divided, in the 1st and 4th fields per fess, in chief a black eagle in white, in base in white three bends, in the 2nd and 3rd azure fields three white ostrich feathers pointing towards each other and diverging in three directions, above the shield two helms with blue and white mantling with the bust of a man in blue dress with gold edging, on the left with red and white mantling with a tall red hat with a white curved brim and a (black) plume.)

Rudolf Jan Meraviglia-Crivelli in Der Böhmische Adel states:

„Wappen: Gespalten und zweimal geteilt; 1. u. 2. in Silber ein schwarzer Doppeladler; 2. u. 5. in Blau drei silberne, in Deichsel gestellte Straussenfedern; 3. u. 6. in Silber zwei rothe Schrägrechtsbalken. - Zwei Helme: I aus der Helmrone, eine schwarzgekleidete Jungfrau mit offenen goldenen Haar, welche sich mit beiden Händen eine goldene Krone auf das Haupt setzt; Decken: blau-silbern - II. hoher, rother Heidenhut mit weissem Stulp und oben mit sieben schwarzen Hahnenfedern besteckt; Decken: Roth-silbern.“

Arms: Party per pale and twice per fess; in the 1st and 2nd argent fields a sable double-headed eagle; in the 2nd and 5th azure fields three argent ostrich feathers arranged in pall; in the 3rd and 6th argent fields two gules bends. — Two helms: I. from the helm crown, a sable-clad maiden with flowing golden hair, placing upon her head a golden crown with both hands; mantling: azure-argent — II. a tall gules heathen hat with argent cuff and seven sable cock feathers on top; mantling: gules-argent.

From the seal of Jobst von Einsiedl and most of the surviving coats of arms of the Týřovský family, it is clear that the depiction of the bends in a separate field is rather the invention of whoever depicted the arms. It appears only on a single depiction of the Týřovský coat of arms, namely on the arms of Dorota Polyxena Kateřina Kokořovská, née Týřovská, and thereafter only on depictions created after the extinction of the family. Sedláček himself in his blazon states that the shield is divided into only 4 fields and at the same time that the 1st and 4th are secondarily divided per fess.

The eagles are never depicted in full, but rather than being intentional, this is a practical matter — a whole eagle simply does not fit in the field. Thus, the eagle is variously depicted either almost complete, just without claws (tombstone of Jindřich, seal and tombstone of Jakub Jindřich, relief of Dorota Polyxena Kateřina Kokořovská of Kokořov, née Týřovská) or only its bust (seal of Jobst von Einsiedl, armorial of Lucas Cranach the Younger, arms on the cartouche in the church in Milíčov).

Given the minimal number of surviving colour depictions directly from the time before the extinction of the Týřovský family, determining the colours of the arms is somewhat more complex. Let us begin with the left helm and its respective crest, which is a Tartar hat, whose colour is agreed upon by both the blazon from Sedláček and Meraviglia-Crivelli, as well as the depictions by Cranach the Younger and from the altar in Milíčov. From the depictions by Cranach, from the Milíčov altar and from the relief of Dorota Polyxena Kateřina Kokořovská, we can conclude that the hat was additionally divided per pale, with only one half being red while the other was argent, which would also correspond to the colour of the respective mantling, whose colours also agree in the blazons and the depictions. The blazons and Cranach's depiction also agree on the argent/white colour of the mantling on the right helm. Where, however, the blazons (and modern depictions of the arms) disagree with period depictions are the colours of the charges on the shield. It seems that the problem arose when matching the mantling colours with the charges on the shield, when the azure-argent scheme was probably incorrectly assigned to the feathers in the 2nd and 3rd fields and the gules-argent scheme to the bends (bars) in the 1st and 4th fields. I have deliberately not mentioned the crest on the right helm, which is a man in blue dress according to Sedláček, or a sable-clad maiden placing a crown on her head according to Meraviglia-Crivelli. From both colour and non-colour depictions, it is clear that the man can be immediately dismissed. Cranach the Younger correctly assigned the maiden to the bends, meaning his maiden, the bends and the corresponding mantling are of the same blue colour. It is possible that Cranach took the blue colour from the bends of the arms of Kožlany, which Jobst von Einsiedl obtained for the town in 1472, and which reportedly adopted its bends from the arms of its overlord. More correct, however, would be the variant from Milíčov, where the maiden, the corresponding mantling and the bends are all sable. It is interesting that this is also the only contemporary depiction where the maiden places a crown on her head.

The correct blazon therefore most likely reads:
A quartered shield where the 1st and 4th fields are per fess, with a sable eagle issuant or salient on an or background in chief and two sable bends on an argent background in base. In the 2nd and 3rd gules fields are three argent ostrich feathers pointing towards each other and diverging. Above the shield are two helms with crowns; the left with gules-argent mantling, from which rises a per pale tall Tartar hat with a sable or argent plume, its sinister half argent and dexter half gules. The right helm has sable-or mantling and in the crest a sable-clad maiden, either crowned or placing a golden crown on her head.

Family Tree of the Týřovský Family

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